Gjat\u00eb dit\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit, nd\u00ebrsa protestat kan\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb debatin publik n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, nj\u00eb diskutim paralel \u00ebsht\u00eb zhvilluar edhe n\u00eb rrjetet sociale. Disa krijues p\u00ebrmbajtjeje kan\u00eb ngritur shqet\u00ebsimin se postimet e tyre t\u00eb lidhura me protestat, pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsin\u00eb qytetare apo komentet mbi zhvillimet politike kan\u00eb pasur duksh\u00ebm m\u00eb pak shikueshm\u00ebri dhe angazhim krahasuar me periudha t\u00eb tjera.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Disa prej tyre pretendojn\u00eb se videot nuk jan\u00eb shp\u00ebrndar\u00eb normalisht nga platformat, nd\u00ebrsa t\u00eb tjer\u00eb raportojn\u00eb raste kur ndjek\u00ebsit e tyre nuk kan\u00eb mundur t\u2019i gjejn\u00eb ose t\u2019i shohin postimet n\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn e zakonshme t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjes. K\u00ebto pretendime kan\u00eb ngritur pyetje q\u00eb nuk kufizohen vet\u00ebm te performanca e nj\u00eb videoje apo nj\u00eb profili t\u00eb caktuar, por prekin nj\u00eb debat m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb mbi transparenc\u00ebn e platformave digjitale dhe ndikimin e algoritmeve n\u00eb informacionin q\u00eb arrin tek publiku.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
A kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me kufizime t\u00eb q\u00ebllimshme t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjes? Me mekanizma automatik\u00eb moderimi? Apo thjesht me m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si funksionojn\u00eb algoritmet e TikTok-ut, Instagram-it dhe platformave t\u00eb tjera sociale?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
P\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar m\u00eb mir\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fenomen, BusinessMag bisedoi me krijuesin e p\u00ebrmbajtjes Ylber Shehu, i cili ka raportuar nj\u00eb eksperienc\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb gjat\u00eb dit\u00ebve t\u00eb protestave, si dhe me eksperten e siguris\u00eb kibernetike Nadia Elbasani, p\u00ebr t\u00eb sqaruar aspektin teknik t\u00eb funksionimit t\u00eb algoritmeve dhe moderimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ylber Shehu: \u201cKur videot nga terreni nuk arrijn\u00eb tek publiku, lind nevoja p\u00ebr transparenc\u00eb\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Sipas Ylber Shehut, ndryshimi n\u00eb performanc\u00ebn e p\u00ebrmbajtjes s\u00eb tij nisi pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb momentin kur filloi t\u00eb publikonte video nga protestat dhe t\u00eb komentonte zhvillimet q\u00eb po shoq\u00ebronin ato.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cGjat\u00eb dit\u00ebve t\u00eb protestave kam v\u00ebn\u00eb re nj\u00eb fenomen q\u00eb m\u00eb ka shqet\u00ebsuar seriozisht si qytetar dhe si krijues p\u00ebrmbajtjeje. Pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb momentin kur fillova t\u00eb publikoj video nga protestat, si dhe t\u00eb shpreh mendimin tim mbi organizimin e koncerteve dhe aktiviteteve festive n\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb kur mij\u00ebra qytetar\u00eb po k\u00ebrkonin t\u00eb d\u00ebgjoheshin, p\u00ebrmbajtja ime nisi t\u00eb p\u00ebrballej me kufizime t\u00eb pazakonta\u201d<\/em>, shprehet ai.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n Sipas tij, video q\u00eb zakonisht arrinin dhjet\u00ebra mij\u00ebra njer\u00ebz humb\u00ebn papritur shtrirjen, nd\u00ebrsa disa materiale nga protestat u bllokuan ose nuk u shfaqeshin ndjek\u00ebsve.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cShum\u00eb njer\u00ebz m\u00eb shkruanin se nuk mund t\u2019i gjenin videot ose se ato nuk u dilnin fare n\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn e p\u00ebrmbajtjes s\u00eb tyre.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n Megjithat\u00eb, Shehu tregohet i kujdessh\u00ebm n\u00eb interpretimin e situat\u00ebs dhe nuk pretendon t\u00eb ket\u00eb prova p\u00ebr shkaqet e fenomenit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cNuk pretendoj t\u00eb di se kush e ka shkaktuar k\u00ebt\u00eb dhe as t\u00eb jap p\u00ebrgjigje q\u00eb duhet t\u2019i japin t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt. Por nj\u00eb pyetje mbetet: pse kufizimet shfaqen pik\u00ebrisht kur p\u00ebrmbajtja flet p\u00ebr protesta, pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi qytetare dhe k\u00ebrkes\u00eb p\u00ebr ndryshim?\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n P\u00ebr t\u00eb, \u00e7\u00ebshtja lidhet me nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb transparenc\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si funksionojn\u00eb platformat sociale.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cN\u00eb \u00e7do demokraci t\u00eb sh\u00ebndetshme, protestat jan\u00eb z\u00ebri i qytetar\u00ebve dhe rrjetet sociale jan\u00eb nj\u00eb nga mjetet kryesore p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrcjell\u00eb at\u00eb z\u00eb. Kur ky z\u00eb fillon t\u00eb humbas\u00eb rrug\u00ebs, kur videot nga terreni nuk arrijn\u00eb tek publiku dhe kur p\u00ebrmbajtja kritike trajtohet ndryshe nga ajo e zakonshme, at\u00ebher\u00eb lind nevoja p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar transparenc\u00eb.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n Ai shton se do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb publikoj\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjen q\u00eb konsideron me interes publik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cUn\u00eb do t\u00eb vazhdoj t\u00eb publikoj at\u00eb q\u00eb shoh dhe at\u00eb q\u00eb mendoj. Sepse e drejta p\u00ebr t\u00eb folur nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb privilegj. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga themelet e \u00e7do shoq\u00ebrie q\u00eb pretendon t\u00eb jet\u00eb e lir\u00eb.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n \u00c7far\u00eb thot\u00eb ekspertiza teknike?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n P\u00ebrtej perceptimeve dhe eksperiencave individuale, pyetja kryesore mbetet n\u00ebse ekziston realisht mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtja e lidhur me protesta apo tema politike t\u00eb kufizohet nga algoritmet e platformave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Sipas ekspertes s\u00eb siguris\u00eb kibernetike Nadia Elbasani, p\u00ebrgjigjja \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb komplekse sesa nj\u00eb po ose jo.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cTeorikisht ekziston mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtje t\u00eb caktuara t\u00eb ken\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarje m\u00eb t\u00eb kufizuar, por \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb kuptohet se kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb automatikisht censur\u00eb politike\u201d, <\/em>shpjegon ajo.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n Sipas Elbasanit, algoritmet e TikTok-ut dhe Instagram-it nuk funksionojn\u00eb si redaktor\u00eb njer\u00ebzor\u00eb q\u00eb vendosin cilat ide duhet t\u00eb promovohen dhe cilat t\u00eb fshihen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cAto jan\u00eb sisteme matematikore q\u00eb analizojn\u00eb sjelljen e p\u00ebrdoruesve, nd\u00ebrveprimet, koh\u00ebn e shikimit dhe sinjale t\u00eb tjera p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur se \u00e7far\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjeje do t\u2019u shfaqet njer\u00ebzve.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n Megjithat\u00eb, ajo thekson se platformat zbatojn\u00eb politika moderimi p\u00ebr kategori t\u00eb caktuara t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjes, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr tema q\u00eb konsiderohen sensitive.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cDhuna, dezinformimi, gjuha e urrejtjes, konfliktet dhe protestat jan\u00eb nd\u00ebr temat q\u00eb monitorohen m\u00eb nga af\u00ebr nga platformat. N\u00eb raste t\u00eb caktuara, kjo mund t\u00eb ndikoj\u00eb edhe n\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarjen e videove politike ose t\u00eb lidhura me protesta.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n Rasti shqiptar dhe nevoja p\u00ebr transparenc\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Sipas Elbasanit, n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri ky debat merr nj\u00eb dimension shtes\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb historikut t\u00eb TikTok-ut.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cPlatforma u bllokua p\u00ebr rreth nj\u00eb vit me vendim qeveritar dhe m\u00eb pas u rikthye pas komunikimeve mes autoriteteve dhe kompanis\u00eb. Pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu lind nevoja p\u00ebr transparenc\u00eb. N\u00ebse ka pasur dakord\u00ebsi apo ndryshime q\u00eb prekin m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e trajtimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjes, qytetar\u00ebt kan\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb informohen.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n Ajo shton se n\u00eb epok\u00ebn digjitale algoritmet nuk ndikojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb arg\u00ebtimin apo konsumimin e p\u00ebrmbajtjes, por edhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si qytetar\u00ebt informohen dhe krijojn\u00eb opinionin e tyre publik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Kur nj\u00eb video merr pak shikime, a \u00ebsht\u00eb kjo prov\u00eb e censur\u00ebs?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Sipas ekspertes, jo domosdoshm\u00ebrisht.<\/p>\n\n\n\n N\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e rasteve, performanca e dob\u00ebt e nj\u00eb videoje mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb shpjegime krejt normale teknike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Nj\u00eb video mund t\u00eb mos arrij\u00eb audienc\u00ebn e zakonshme sepse nuk arrin t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb v\u00ebmendjen e p\u00ebrdoruesve n\u00eb sekondat e para, publikohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment me konkurrenc\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb p\u00ebr v\u00ebmendje, nuk gjeneron nd\u00ebrveprime t\u00eb mjaftueshme ose trajton nj\u00eb tem\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn algoritmi nuk identifikon interes t\u00eb lart\u00eb publik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cPlatformat favorizojn\u00eb vazhdimisht kreativitetin dhe risin\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse dy video pothuajse identike mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb rezultate krejt t\u00eb ndryshme. Nj\u00ebra mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet virale, nd\u00ebrsa tjetra t\u00eb mos arrij\u00eb audienc\u00eb t\u00eb konsiderueshme.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, Elbasani paralajm\u00ebron se performanca e dob\u00ebt nuk duhet t\u00eb barazohet automatikisht me censur\u00ebn.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cNj\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim i till\u00eb k\u00ebrkon prova konkrete. Teknikisht duhet t\u00eb dallojm\u00eb mes r\u00ebnies normale t\u00eb performanc\u00ebs, kufizimit t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarjes nga vet\u00eb platforma dhe nd\u00ebrhyrjes s\u00eb q\u00ebllimshme mbi dukshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e nj\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjeje.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n Si mund t\u00eb verifikohet n\u00ebse ka kufizim t\u00eb shikueshm\u00ebris\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Sipas ekspertes, hapi i par\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb analiza e t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Krijuesit duhet t\u00eb krahasojn\u00eb statistikat e videove aktuale me ato t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtjeve t\u00eb ngjashme t\u00eb publikuara m\u00eb par\u00eb dhe t\u00eb v\u00ebzhgojn\u00eb n\u00ebse r\u00ebnia e angazhimit \u00ebsht\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjithshme apo prek vet\u00ebm tema t\u00eb caktuara.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cN\u00ebse ka nj\u00eb r\u00ebnie t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb angazhimit n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha postimet, kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb me ndryshime normale t\u00eb algoritmit ose t\u00eb interesit t\u00eb audienc\u00ebs. N\u00ebse nj\u00eb tem\u00eb specifike performon vazhdimisht shum\u00eb m\u00eb dob\u00ebt se p\u00ebrmbajtjet e tjera, at\u00ebher\u00eb mund t\u00eb lindin pik\u00ebpyetje q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb analiz\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb thelluar.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n Ajo thekson gjithashtu se algoritmet mund t\u00eb ndikohen edhe nga sjellje artificiale n\u00eb platform\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cProfile t\u00eb rreme ose t\u00eb hapura rishtazi mund t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb nd\u00ebrveprime t\u00eb koordinuara q\u00eb e b\u00ebjn\u00eb algoritmin t\u00eb perceptoj\u00eb nj\u00eb interes q\u00eb n\u00eb realitet nuk ekziston. Algoritmi nuk dallon t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn apo interesin publik; ai lexon vet\u00ebm sinjale sjelljeje.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n Pavar\u00ebsisht n\u00ebse b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr kufizime algoritmike, moderim automatik apo thjesht p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si funksionojn\u00eb platformat moderne, shqet\u00ebsimi i ngritur nga disa krijues p\u00ebrmbajtjeje ka rikthyer n\u00eb v\u00ebmendje nj\u00eb debat q\u00eb po zhvillohet n\u00eb shum\u00eb vende t\u00eb bot\u00ebs, sa transparenc\u00eb kan\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt mbi m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si algoritmet ndikojn\u00eb informacionin q\u00eb ata shohin \u00e7do dit\u00eb?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ajo q\u00eb duket e qart\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e madhe e debatit publik zhvillohet n\u00eb rrjetet sociale, m\u00ebnyra se si funksionojn\u00eb algoritmet nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje teknologjie. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje q\u00eb prek informimin, transparenc\u00ebn dhe vet\u00eb cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e debatit demokratik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n
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